University of Ciego de Ávila Máximo Gómez Báez
|
ISSN: 2309-8333
|
RNPS: 2411
|14|2026|
This is an Open Access article under the license CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/)
Estrategia y Gestión Universitaria EGU
Scientific and technological
research article
How to cite:
Niebla Moreno, S. Y. (2026).
Formal parity and hierarchical gaps:
feminization index in autonomous
universities in northwestern Mexico.
Estrategia y Gestión Universitaria
, 14,
e9199.
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.22306432
Received: 21/07/2026
Accepted: 04/09/2026
Published: 17/09/2026
Corresponding author:
samanthaniebla@uas.edu.mx
Conflict of interest:
the authors declare
that they have no conflict of interest,
which may have influenced the results
obtained or the proposed interpretations
.
Formal parity and hierarchical gaps:
feminization index in autonomous
universities in northwestern Mexico
Paridad formal y brechas jerárquicas:
índice de feminización en universidades
autónomas del noroeste de México
Paridade formal e lacunas hierárquicas:
índice de feminização em universidades
autônomas do noroeste do México
Abstract
Introduction: in higher education institutions, formal parity
does not guarantee an equivalent distribution of power within
governance structures. Objective: to analyze the gaps
between institutional commitments to gender equality and
the representation of women in university governance
positions at four universities in northwest Mexico. Method: a
descriptive documentary study was conducted in which
institutional normative frameworks, organizational charts,
and official directories available as of July 2025 were
reviewed; 258 positions were counted, the percentage of
female distribution and the feminization index were
calculated, and a structural parity map was constructed by
university and hierarchical level. Results: women held 109
positions, representing 42.25%, while men held 149 positions,
representing 57.75%; the overall feminization index was 73.15
women per 100 men. Conclusion: no institution achieved
parity, and gaps widened at higher authority levels; therefore,
university parity should be analyzed as a distribution of power
rather than merely the presence of women.
Keywords: higher education, university governance, gender
equality, gender parity, vertical segregation
Resumen
Introducción: en las instituciones de educación superior, la
paridad formal no garantiza una distribución equivalente del
poder en sus estructuras de gobierno.
Samantha Yadira Niebla Moreno
1
Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa
https://orcid.org/0009-0000-6791-2088
samanthaniebla@uas.edu.mx
México
Estrategia y Gestión Universitaria
|
ISSN
: 2309-8333
|
RNPS:
2411
| Vol. 14|2026|
| Samantha Yadira Niebla Moreno |
Objetivo:
analizar las brechas entre los compromisos institucionales de igualdad
de género y la representación de las mujeres en cargos de gobierno universitario
en cuatro universidades del noroeste de México.
Método:
se realizó un estudio
documental de alcance descriptivo, donde se revisaron los marcos normativos
institucionales, organigramas y directorios oficiales disponibles a julio de 2025;
se contabilizaron 258 cargos, se calculó el porcentaje de distribución femenina y
el índice de feminización, y se construyó un mapa de paridad estructural por
universidad y nivel jerárquico. Resultados: las mujeres ocuparon 109 puestos que
representa el 42.25 %, mientras que para los hombres fueron 149 representando
el 57.75 %; el índice general de feminización fue de 73.15 mujeres por cada 100
hombres.
Resultados:
la productividad investigativa no constituye un resultado
exclusivamente individual ni puede explicarse únicamente por la motivación, la
formación o la trayectoria profesional del docente.
Conclusión:
ninguna
institución alcanzó la paridad y las brechas se intensificaron en los niveles de
mayor autoridad, por lo que la paridad universitaria debe analizarse como
distribución del poder y no solo como presencia de mujeres.
Palabras clave:
educación superior, gobierno universitario, igualdad de género,
paridad de género, segregación vertical
Resumo
Introdução: nas instituições de ensino superior, a paridade formal não garante
uma distribuição equivalente do poder em suas estruturas de governança.
Objetivo: analisar as lacunas entre os compromissos institucionais de igualdade
de gênero e a representação das mulheres em cargos de governo universitário em
quatro universidades do noroeste do México. Método: realizouse um estudo
documental de alcance descritivo, no qual foram revisados os marcos normativos
institucionais, organogramas e diretórios oficiais disponíveis em julho de 2025;
contabilizaramse 258 cargos, calculouse o percentual de distribuição feminina e
o índice de feminização, e construiuse um mapa de paridade estrutural por
universidade e nível hierárquico. Resultados: as mulheres ocuparam 109 cargos,
representando 42,25%, enquanto os homens ocuparam 149 cargos, representando
57,75%; o índice geral de feminização foi de 73,15 mulheres por cada 100 homens.
Conclusão: nenhuma instituição alcançou a paridade e as lacunas se
intensificaram nos níveis de maior autoridade; por isso, a paridade universitária
deve ser analisada como distribuição do poder e não apenas como presença de
mulheres.
Palavras-chave:
educação superior; governo universitário; igualdade de gênero;
paridade de gênero; segregação vertical
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Introduction
The presence of women in higher education institutions (HEIs) has grown in
recent years, and in some settings, it now exceeds that of men. Yet this progress is
not mirrored in the spaces where university leadership is exercised. Bringing more
women into the roles of student, instructor, and researcher does not, by itself,
translate into institutional integration on equal terms (Guizardi et al., 2024; Meza-
Mejía et al., 2023).
Understanding how women enter the power structures of HEIs requires
examining their position within the institutional hierarchy, the recognition they
receive, and their capacity to make decisions (Buquet et al., 2013). Meza-Mejía et
al. (2023) caution that studying gender equity in higher education demands attention
to women's participation in leadership and decision-making spaces, spaces that also
determine how resources are allocated and how career trajectories unfold within
universities.
Evidence shows that the exact position women occupy within the university
hierarchy shapes both their decision-making capacity and their access to spaces of
academic prestige (Meza-Mejía et al., 2023; Kaymakcioglu & Thomas, 2024). Rondon
Pereira et al. (2025) note that the constraints limiting women's access to academic
leadership persist, and that institutional reforms and policies are needed to open
opportunities and support women's advancement.
The United Nations (UN) embedded the commitment to gender equality in
Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 5, which aims to eliminate structural
inequalities between women and men, ensure equitable access to education, and
promote women's participation in leadership positions (ONU, 2015). The problem is
global, and it emerges clearly in studies documenting various forms of segregation
elsewhere, where women academics describe structural and cultural barriers that
restrict their access to senior posts (Gaus et al., 2023).
In Mexico, reforms such as the 2019 measure known as ‘parity in everything’
established the principle of parity in public office (Diario Oficial de la Federación
[DOF], 2019). In 2021, the General Law of Higher Education mandated that HEIs
promote substantive equality and guarantee environments free of gender-based
violence (DOF, 2021).
Lagarde (1997) argues that autonomy is not achieved through formal
recognition alone; it also requires social conditions, operational mechanisms, and
political recognition to be exercised in practice. In other words, the mere existence
of regulations does not eliminate inequality; parity cannot be reduced to a normative
declaration, it demands scrutiny of how power is distributed and which conditions
enable or constrain women's participation.
Vertical segregation captures the differences in how women and men are
concentrated across levels of authority within an organizational structure. This
inequality is linked to the so-called glass ceiling: the visible and invisible barriers
that limit women's access to higher-level positions even when they possess sufficient
experience, training, and career trajectory (Hernández Herrera, 2024; Meza-Mejía
et al., 2023).
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Pacheco Ladrón de Guevara et al. (2023) show that women's access to power
in Mexican universities remains mediated by organizational, familial, and gender-
based obstacles, and argue that hierarchical gaps stem not merely from individual
decisions but from institutional conditions that regulate how women and men reach
positions of authority.
UNESCO IESALC (2021) points to a disconnect between the feminization of
enrollment, women's access to the university, and the masculinization of decision-
making spaces. Blanco (2025) warns that, despite normative progress,
discrimination, segregation, and inequality persist and continue to affect women's
academic and professional development. Likewise, the growing presence of women
in academia is not reflected in their representation in university leadership and
management positions (Yahya et al., 2024).
These inequalities have been documented across Latin America and the
Caribbean by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OCDE,
2025), which finds that gender differences persist in access to fields of study, labor
market participation, earnings, and occupational distribution.
In Sinaloa's public HEIs in Mexico, women's participation in senior positions
continues to fall short of parity, even in institutions where women have a substantial
presence overall (Niebla Moreno et al., 2024). This finding aligns with Hernández
Ortiz (2025), who argues that gender inequality persists despite the existence of
legal and institutional frameworks oriented toward equality.
In northwestern Mexico, this configuration is no accident; it reflects a
specific history of how university power has been constructed. Examining women's
access to rectorates, secretariats, general directorates, coordination offices, and
academic directorates makes it possible to observe how they are represented in the
positions that shape institutional policy, resources, and projects. From this
standpoint, analyzing women's autonomy becomes central, as it highlights the need
for women to have the capacity and conditions to make decisions and to take part
in the spaces where matters affecting the collective are defined (Aranda, 2021). This
background confirms the need to examine parity not merely as a normative mandate,
but in terms of how power is organized within university structures.
This study examines the gaps between institutional commitments to gender
equality and women's representation in senior positions at four autonomous
universities in northwestern Mexico: the Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa (UAS), the
Universidad Autónoma de Occidente (UAdeO), the Universidad de Sonora (UNISON),
and the Universidad Autónoma de Baja California (UABC). These institutions were
selected for their regional relevance and for the availability of up-to-date official
documentation, including equality programs, protocols, and organizational charts.
This study aims to highlight the need for disaggregated data on women's
participation in higher education, particularly across dimensions such as leadership,
enrollment, teaching, working conditions, and STEM fields, as suggested by UNESCO
IESALC (2025). The analysis by hierarchical level seeks to generate evidence on the
distribution of power within HEIs in northwestern Mexico.
Beyond mere presence and parity, this study seeks to locate women within
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the university structure and to identify the spaces where female representation
approaches balance and those where gaps persist in access to strategic decision-
making positions. To this end, the study calculates the female distribution index and
the feminization index, and constructs a structural parity map by institution and
level of authority.
Methods and materials
This study is based on a descriptive documentary design intended to compare
institutional discourses on equality with the actual distribution of power within
universities. The institutions included were UAS, UAdeO, UABC, and UNISON.
Inclusion criteria required that institutions be public and autonomous, and that
verifiable official information be available through institutional or transparency
portals as of a July 2025 cutoff date.
The study was carried out in two phases. The first involved reviewing
normative and institutional documents related to gender equality, violence
prevention, the creation of specialized units, service protocols, institutional
programs, and monitoring mechanisms. For each of the four universities, the
available official documents that allowed comparison across these dimensions were
selected. Agreements, regulations, programs, protocols, and monitoring documents
were reviewed because they provide information on the existence of formal
structures, responsible parties, goals, indicators, and implementation mechanisms.
Informational materials, news items, and documents lacking normative value were
excluded, as they did not allow for a consistent comparison across universities.
To identify the individuals holding each position, the study first drew on the
directories of public servants available through the Plataforma Nacional de
Transparencia for the Universidad Autónoma de Baja California (2025a), the
Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa (2025b), and the Universidad de Sonora (2025d).
In the case of the Universidad Autónoma de Occidente, the corresponding request
yielded a report of vacant and filled positions rather than a nominal directory
(Plataforma Nacional de Transparencia, 2025c); accordingly, the identification of
position holders was supplemented with the institutional organizational chart
available on that university's official website (Universidad Autónoma de Occidente,
2025).
In parallel, the institutional organizational charts in effect as of the July
2025 cutoff were analyzed for all four universities (Universidad Autónoma de Baja
California, 2023a; Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 2025; Universidad Autónoma de
Occidente, 2025; Universidad de Sonora, 2025), in order to establish each position's
hierarchical standing relative to the Rectorate and its level of subordination within
the governance structure. This analysis made it possible to reconcile differing
institutional labels that correspond to equivalent functions, and on this basis the six
hierarchical levels used in the study were constructed: rectorate, general
secretariats and vice-rectorates, general directorates, institutional coordination
offices, deputy directorates, and academic unit directorates.
During the second phase, the analysis focused on counting the positions
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associated with power and decision-making identified through publicly available
organizational charts and official directories. For each position, the database
recorded the institution, the administrative area, the hierarchical level, the position
holder, and the sex identified on the basis of publicly available information. The
database was built from institutional organizational charts and directories in effect
or available through July 2025. A total of 258 positions were included, distributed
across six levels: rectorate; general secretariats and vice-rectorates; general
directorates; institutional coordination offices; deputy directorates; and academic
unit directorates.
Two indicators were used to analyze the participation of women and men
within the hierarchical structure: the Distribution Index (DI) and the Feminization
Index (FI).
Distribution Index (DI): defined as the proportion of positions held by women
relative to the total number of positions identified within each hierarchical category
and institution. Following Pérez and Garda (2009), this index is calculated from the
ratio between the number of women in a given sector or group and the total
population of that sector or group, multiplied by 100. In this study, it was calculated
using the following formula:
(Equation 1)
This indicator made it possible to determine women's internal share of
participation and to assess their integration at each institutional hierarchical level.
Feminization Index (FI): expresses women's representation relative to men
within each hierarchical level. This indicator is calculated from the ratio between
the number of women and the number of men in a given category or variable,
multiplied by 100 (Pérez & Garda, 2009). In this study, the following mathematical
expression was used:
(Equation 2)
A value of 100 indicates an equivalent relationship between women and men;
values below 100 indicate lower representation of women relative to men, while
values above 100 indicate greater relative representation of women. For the
purposes of this study, a value of 100 was taken as the parity threshold.
The presentation of results followed a dual criterion, organized by institution
and by hierarchical level. A structural parity map was also constructed to show the
proportion of women at each level, in order to identify where female representation
approaches balance and where gaps persist in the distribution of university power.
Combining these approaches made it possible to describe how institutional equality
commitments relate to the actual composition of senior positions within universities.
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The data available depend on the currency, transparency, and accessibility
of the organizational charts, directories, and other institutional documents
published by each university. Because of this constraint, the systematized database
of the 258 identified positions, classified by institution, sex, and hierarchical level,
is made available to the editorial committee for verification purposes, together with
the public information requests that support each record. Information retrieved from
these publicly accessible sources was compiled into a single database for
systematization and analysis; because institutional directories are updated over
time, some of the information originally consulted may since have been modified or
replaced. Classification by sex was carried out using publicly available information
about the individuals holding each position, and should therefore be understood as
a descriptive approximation rather than a substitute for gender self-identification
processes. The disaggregated counts by institution, sex, and hierarchical level are
presented in Table 4 and allow the calculated indicators to be verified.
Results and discussion
Institutionalization of gender equality at the universities analyzed
The existence of protocols or specialized units within universities does not,
on its own, indicate that gender equality has been institutionalized.
Institutionalization requires linking norms, programs, responsible parties, indicators,
monitoring mechanisms, and organizational conditions in ways that translate into
formal commitments and verifiable changes within the organization (Atães &
Carneiro, 2026). The review conducted here reveals differing levels of progress
among the universities analyzed.
In line with this, Echeverría Echeverría (2024), in analyzing the
achievements, obstacles, and challenges involved in promoting gender equality at
HEIs in south-southeastern Mexico, shows that institutional units, programs, and
actions represent genuine progress, while also revealing the limits they face when
they are not integrated transversally into university life, monitoring mechanisms,
and institutional inclusion processes.
The national legal framework establishes specific obligations for HEIs. Article
43, section VIII, of the General Law of Higher Education states that institutions must
promote measures to prevent, address, sanction, and eradicate all forms and
modalities of violence, particularly gender-based violence. It further requires the
development of diagnostic assessments, programs, and protocols, and mandates that
institutions have trained personnel and bodies empowered to act in such cases (DOF,
2021).
Among the institutions analyzed, the Universidad de Sonora (UNISON) shows
the highest level of formalization. It has maintained an Institutional Program for
Inclusion and Equity since 2013. This program incorporates institutional goals,
indicators, and designated officials, along with a protocol for responding to gender-
based violence and activities in training, outreach, and research on equality
(UNISON, 2021). Given these characteristics, its level of institutionalization can be
considered high.
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The Universidad Autónoma de Baja California (UABC) formally established its
Gender, Diversity, and Educational Inclusion Unit in 2023. This unit coordinates
institutional actions related to equality and works in conjunction with the
Committees for the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence across its
various campuses. UABC also maintains a mandatory institutional protocol that
defines a response pathway comprising initial contact, referral, accompaniment, and
follow-up (UABC, 2023b, 2024). However, no public evaluation reports or
consolidated monitoring indicators were identified, which places its level of
institutionalization in the medium range.
The Universidad Autónoma de Occidente (UAdeO) has maintained a protocol
for the prevention, response to, and sanctioning of gender-based violence since its
approval in 2023. Its normative framework establishes an institutional structure
comprising an Advisory Council and a Gender Equality Committee, together with an
Annual Gender Equity Program that sets specific actions and goals, evaluation and
monitoring mechanisms, and annual reports (UAdeO, 2022, 2023). The public sources
consulted did not yield sufficient evidence of systematic publication of these
programs, indicators, or monitoring reports, which places its level of
institutionalization in the medium range as well.
At the Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa (UAS), the Center for Gender Policy
for Equality between Women and Men coordinates actions across the university's four
regional units. UAS has maintained overall institutional planning under its Gender
Equity Model since 2013, and in 2022 it approved a regulation to prevent, address,
sanction, and eradicate sexual violence; published in 2023, this regulation replaced
the previous protocol and elevated institutional responses to these cases to a
normative level (UAS, 2023). No quantitative goals, verifiable indicators, or
systematic public reports were identified at this university, which places its level of
institutionalization in the medium range.
To systematize and compare institutional progress, three dimensions were
considered across cases: the existence of formal normative documents, institutional
operability through goals, indicators, and designated officials, and the public
availability of information. Table 1 summarizes the variations by institution.
Table 1
Level of institutionalization, strengths, and main challenges at HEIs in northwestern
Mexico
University
Level of
institutionalization
Strengths Main challenges
UAS Medium Specialized center,
committees,
protocol in force.
No public goals or
indicators; no
systematic
evaluation.
UAdeO Medium Institutional
regulation and
Limited public
evidence of
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protocol; equality
structure and
monitoring
mechanisms.
systematic
implementation and
monitoring.
UNISON High Formal program,
defined indicators,
public information.
Mainstreaming across
all levels.
UABC Medium
Formalized unit,
protocol, and
committees.
No public evaluation.
Source: Author’s own elaboration.
Implementation gaps and challenges for equality
There has been progress in formalizing gender equality instruments, albeit
at differing levels of development. This progress does not, on its own, guarantee a
transformation in the spheres of university power. The principal gap lies between
the existence of normative commitments and the capacity to influence the processes
that govern the distribution of positions, authority, and institutional recognition.
Kaymakcioglu and Thomas (2024) note that changes in the distribution of
power occur when equality programs and policies are accompanied by adjustments
to the processes of appointing, promoting, and evaluating academic authorities.
Accordingly, one of the challenges identified in the region is the failure to integrate
equality instruments (protocols, centers, or units) into Institutional Development
Plans (IDPs), together with their disconnection from the processes of appointing,
promoting, or designating senior officials. Likewise, the absence of measurable goals
and of institutional officials empowered to impose sanctions limits the extent to
which formal commitments can be translated into actions capable of transforming
organizational culture or altering existing hierarchies.
There is also limited systematization of information and restricted
availability of up-to-date data on women's participation in senior university
hierarchies. UNISON represents the most consolidated case; for the remaining HEIs
in the region, no periodic diagnostic assessments, annual reports, or impact
evaluations were systematically located that would allow progress or setbacks in
gender equality to be tracked over time.
Although the creation of protocols or gender units represents progress, it
does not automatically alter patterns of access to positions of authority or reduce
vertical segregation. Analyzing gender inequality in universities requires looking
beyond parity and the number of women holding positions; it requires identifying
the levels at which they are concentrated and the decision-making capacity they
hold within those spaces.
In Mexico, the legal framework formed by the General Law of Higher
Education (DOF, 2021), the General Law for Equality between Women and Men, and
the General Law on Women's Access to a Life Free of Violence, both amended as of
December 16, 2024 (DOF, 2024), together with the international commitments
assumed by the Mexican State (UN, 2015), provides a legal basis that obliges HEIs to
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foster democratic environments, promote parity in participation, and adopt
affirmative measures to eliminate structural discrimination.
Achieving substantive equality requires periodic diagnostic assessments
disaggregated by sex and hierarchical level, institutional parity targets, monitoring
indicators, transparent appointment and evaluation criteria, and training and
mentoring initiatives capable of strengthening women's academic trajectories
toward positions of greater responsibility. Such measures would help narrow the
distance between formal equality commitments and the actual configuration of
university power.
This lack of follow-up is also evident in other university contexts, where the
systematic production of data on women's leadership has been identified as a
condition that makes inequalities visible and helps guide strategies for institutional
change (Meza-Mejía et al., 2023).
Distribution of women in university leadership positions
The quantitative analysis made it possible to identify the distribution of
women and men across university governance positions at the four institutions
examined. To this end, the positions listed in organizational charts and official
directories available as of July 2025 were counted. In total, 258 positions were
analyzed (N = 258), distributed across the four universities included in the study and
classified by sex and hierarchical level.
As established methodologically, positions were categorized into six
comparable hierarchical levels: rectorate (level 1), general secretariats and vice-
rectorates (level 2), general directorates (level 3), institutional coordination offices
(level 4), deputy directorates (level 5), and academic unit directorates (level 6).
Table 2 presents the absolute count of positions by institution, disaggregated by sex,
along with the overall percentage of participation and female distribution:
Table 2
Positions by sex and institution at HEIs in northwestern Mexico
Female
Male
Total
% Female
% Male
34
48
82
41.46
58.54
16
24
40
40
60
46
62
108
42.59
57.41
13
15
28
46.43
53.57
109
149
258
Source: Author’s own elaboration based on the count of positions recorded in the
official organizational charts and directories of UAS, UAdeO, UNISON, and UABC,
available as of the July 2025 cutoff.
The statistical results show that none of the four universities achieves a
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balanced distribution of women and men across the set of governance positions
analyzed. In aggregate terms, women hold 109 of the 258 positions identified in the
region (42.25%), while men account for the majority, with 149 positions (57.75%).
By institution, UNISON shows the highest share of female participation, at
46.43%, followed by UAS at 42.59%, UABC at 41.46%, and UAdeO, which shows the
greatest lag, at 40%. The percentage differences among institutions are not
especially pronounced; nonetheless, all four fall below the 50% mark.
These figures offer an initial approximation of the object of study; as Buquet
et al. (2013) caution, women's presence in higher education must be examined in
relation to their position within spaces recognized for prestige and vested with
power. Kohtamäki et al. (2024) report similar findings in international studies,
showing that women's presence in leadership positions remains below numerical
parity even in institutions with equality policies in place.
Feminization index and structural parity
To analyze gender gaps within university hierarchical structures and their
distance from numerical balance, the sex-based distribution index and the
feminization index were calculated.
The Distribution Index represents women's internal share of participation
relative to the total universe of positions within a given stratum or institution
(Equation 1). This indicator makes it possible to observe the relative weight of
women at each level.
The Feminization Index (FI), in turn, captures the direct ratio between the
absolute number of women and the absolute number of men within a specific
organizational category, multiplied by a factor of 100 (Equation 2).
The distribution index allows us to observe the relative weight of women
within the overall structure, while the feminization index directly compares the
relationship between women and men within each category analyzed. An FI value of
100 represents exact parity; values below 100 indicate underrepresentation of
women and a gender gap, while values above 100 indicate a female predominance
or feminization. Table 3 presents the values obtained for both indicators by
university.
Table 3
General gender indicators in university governance positions
Institution Women Men Positions
Distribution
Index
Feminization
Index
UABC
34
48
82
41.46
70.83
UAdeO
16
24
40
40
66.67
UAS
46
62
108
42.59
74.19
UNISON
13
15
28
46.43
86.67
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Total
109
149
258
42.25
73.15
Source: Author’s own elaboration.
The index results show that none of the universities achieves parity within
its formal governance structures. In terms of the feminization index, UNISON shows
the highest value and comes closest to balance, with 86.67 women for every 100
men, followed by UAS at 74.19, UABC at 70.83, and UAdeO at 66.67 women per 100
men. Across the four institutions combined, the overall index stands at 73.15.
These figures indicate that female underrepresentation is not an isolated
occurrence within a single organization, but rather a structural trend shared across
the region. UNISON comes closest to balance, yet all four institutions remain below
the parity threshold (FI = 100).
When women's position within the institutional hierarchy is examined more
closely, the inequality becomes more apparent, since overall presence alone does
not reveal whether the positions held correspond to strategic, decision-making roles
or to more operational levels.
In this regard, Guizardi et al. (2024) and Meza-Mejía et al. (2023) note that
a greater presence of women in higher education does not translate into an equitable
distribution of positions of authority. The analysis of women's presence at the
university must therefore go beyond quantitative terms and take into account their
location within the spaces where prestige, institutional recognition, and decision-
making converge (Buquet et al., 2013).
Hierarchical gaps in the distribution of power at universities
The disaggregated analysis by hierarchical level shows that women's
participation is not distributed evenly across university governance structures.
Although the aggregate percentages point to a substantial presence of women,
disaggregation by level of authority reveals differences in their placement within
positions of authority and exposes the pattern of vertical segregation. Table 4 sets
out the distribution of the 258 positions classified by level, sex, and institution:
Table 4
Distribution of positions by hierarchical level, sex, and institution
Institution
Positions
N1
N2
N3
N4
N5
N6
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
UABC
82
0
1
2
1
10
5
1
3
5
14
16
24
UAdeO
40
0
1
2
1
10
12
1
3
1
3
2
4
UAS
108
0
1
2
7
19
20
2
1
1
1
22
32
UNISON
28
1
0
2
3
4
3
1
2
3
1
2
6
Source: Author’s own elaboration.
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The data show that level 1 (the rectorate), the space that concentrates the
university's highest legal, political, and symbolic authority, constitutes the most
critical point of hierarchical gender gap in the region; only UNISON currently has a
woman holding this position.
Level 2 comprises general secretariats and vice-rectorates, positions that
drive the operation and direction of institutional policy. Its composition offers a view
of how power is distributed within a strategic zone of the university structure. Among
the differences observed, UABC and UAdeO reach 66.67%, UNISON stands at 40.00%,
and UAS shows the widest gap, at 22.22%.
At level 3, which includes general directorates and concentrates positions
with a heavy operational and technical load, women's presence is more consistent,
though still uneven. At UABC the figure reaches 66.67%, at UNISON 57.14%; UAS
approaches formal balance at 48.72%, while UAdeO reports 45.45%.
At levels 4 and 5, female participation reaches or exceeds numerical balance
in some institutions, while remaining below parity in others. Women's presence at
the intermediate levels of the institutional structure thus does not follow a uniform
pattern.
At level 6, where academic unit directorates are located, female
participation remains below parity across all four institutions: 40% at UABC, 33.33%
at UAdeO, 40.74% at UAS, and 25% at UNISON. At this level, academic units
concentrate decisions related to school management, the organization of teaching
staff, collegiate life, and the day-to-day conduct of academic affairs.
The differences described across all levels are presented graphically in a
structural parity map corresponding to the percentage share of women by level and
institution, shown in Table 5.
Table 5
Percentage of women by hierarchical level and institution
Institution
N1
N2
N3
N4
N5
N6
UABC
0.00 %
66.67 %
66.67 %
25.00 %
26.32 %
40.00 %
UAdeO
0.00 %
66.67 %
45.45 %
25.00 %
25.00 %
33.33 %
UAS
0.00 %
22.22 %
48.72 %
66.67 %
50.00 %
40.74 %
UNISON
100.00 %
40.00 %
57.14 %
33.33 %
75.00 %
25.00 %
Regional average
of women
25.00% 40.00% 51.81 % 35.71 % 34.48 % 38.89 %
Source: Author’s own elaboration. Note. The percentages correspond to the
proportion of women relative to the total number of positions at each level. The
regional percentage was calculated in aggregate form from the total number of
women and positions across the four institutions.
Figure 1 presents the structural parity map as a heat matrix. The visual
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gradient makes it possible to distinguish organizational levels that approach balance
from those where female underrepresentation is more pronounced.
Figure 1
Structural parity map by university and hierarchical level
Source: Author’s own elaboration.
Note. Unified representation based on the percentage of women by hierarchical
level. Values close to 50% indicate greater numerical balance; lower values reflect
female underrepresentation, and higher values indicate female predominance at the
level analyzed.
The results suggest that formal parity does not automatically translate into
structural parity within university governing bodies. Although all four universities
have instruments related to gender equality in place, the distribution of positions
shows that the highest levels of authority remain spaces where women have a
comparatively smaller presence.
This indicates that democratization and equality cannot be assessed solely
on the basis of the existence of protocols, regulations, gender units, or statements
of principle. They must be examined in terms of the actual capacity of these
instruments to reshape the organization of power within the university. A range of
studies warn that the institutionalization of equality can coexist with persistent
inequalities in university leadership, recognition, and representation (O'Connor,
2023; Blanco, 2025; Buquet et al., 2013; Imhoff et al., 2024).
The results of this study should not be read solely as a percentage difference
between women and men, but rather as an expression of an institutional structure
in which female presence has yet to achieve an equivalent distribution across all
levels of authority. Vertical segregation reflects this asymmetric ordering: the
uneven distribution of women and men along an institutional hierarchical axis along
which formal authority, symbolic capital, and economic rewards are arranged in
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pyramidal fashion (Buquet et al., 2013).
Escobar-Jiménez (2022) identifies this segregation, showing that the
incorporation of women into mid-level positions does not necessarily carry over into
higher-ranking posts such as rectorates. Rectorates, secretariats, general
directorates, and academic unit directorates are not equivalent or interchangeable
positions; each concentrates a different level of formal authority, symbolic capital,
and capacity to influence university life.
Evaluating university equity solely through aggregate global percentages
oversimplifies the problem and obscures the core spaces in which traditional male
power is exercised and preserved. The structural parity map in Figure 1 makes this
positional inequality visible. Although universities such as UNISON, UAS, and UABC
report overall rates of female participation in leadership above 41%, women are
concentrated in intermediate administrative management spaces (such as level 3) or
in operational coordination roles subordinate to the directives of senior governing
bodies. Rectorates, by contrast, remain 75% held by men across the region.
Imhoff et al. (2024) show that vertical segregation in the university setting
becomes apparent when women's presence is concentrated in particular segments of
the structure, while positions of greater hierarchy, dedication, or political
representation retain an uneven distribution. This reading is relevant for interpreting
the regional results presented here.
Studies such as that of Niebla Moreno et al. (2024), on women's leadership
at HEIs, find that only 36.5% of senior-level positions were held by women academics,
despite the fact that these institutions operate within a higher education system
marked by exponential growth in both enrollment and the female teaching staff.
Díaz (2022) and Hernández Herrera (2024) link these gaps to cultural
expectations, organizational biases, glass ceilings, and the legitimacy criteria
attached to the exercise of leadership. From this perspective, the problem must be
understood in terms of the conditions that enable or constrain the recognition of
women as legitimate holders of authority. Khan et al. (2025) examine glass ceilings
within HEIs and observe that the barriers to women's advancement in academic
careers operate simultaneously at the normative, organizational, and cultural levels.
From a political reading of women's autonomy, Lagarde (1997) argues that
autonomy is neither achieved nor produced through formal declaration alone; it
requires social conditions, operational mechanisms, recognition, and agreements
that make its exercise possible. Aranda (2021), for her part, notes that women's
autonomy entails having the capacity and conditions to participate in the spaces
where matters affecting collective life are defined. Within HEIs, these spaces
correspond to the positions from which academic policy decisions are made and
resources, institutional priorities, and forms of governance are allocated.
Conclusions
The analysis of the gaps between institutional commitments to gender
equality and women's representation in university governance positions at four
| Samantha Yadira Niebla Moreno |
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autonomous universities in northwestern Mexico shows that these institutions have
made normative progress (through protocols, specialized units, centers,
committees, or programs) while nonetheless differing in their levels of
formalization, monitoring, and evaluation. The existence of institutional equality
frameworks is indispensable, yet it does not automatically translate into a parity-
based distribution of university power.
With respect to women's presence, the findings show that women hold 109
of the 258 positions analyzed, equivalent to 42.25%, while men hold 149 positions,
or 57.75%. The overall feminization index stood at 73.15 women for every 100 men,
confirming female underrepresentation in senior university leadership.
The disaggregation by hierarchical level shows that this inequality is
expressed not only in the overall number of women, but also in where they are
positioned within the structure. Vertical segregation is especially visible in
rectorates and in academic unit directorates.
Institutional mechanisms are needed that can shape the processes of
appointment, monitoring, evaluation, and transparency for leadership positions
particularly at the levels where decision-making power is concentratedso that
formal equality can genuinely support balanced access for women to the highest
spaces of authority.
This diagnosis points to the need to strengthen transparency at HEIs by
regularly publishing directories, organizational charts, and diagnostic assessments
disaggregated by sex, hierarchical level, and area of assignment. It is likewise
necessary to strengthen equality programs by incorporating quantitative parity
targets, monitoring indicators, and evaluation reports into strategic plans.
Finally, the limitations inherent to a documentary design point to the need
to deepen this line of research through qualitative studies and analyses of academic
career trajectories that would help clarify the institutional, symbolic, and
organizational conditions shaping women's access to, permanence in, and exercise
of authority within university governance positions. Such continuity would help
explain not only the magnitude of the gaps identified, but also the mechanisms that
produce and sustain them within university structures.
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| Samantha Yadira Niebla Moreno |
Estrategia y Gestión Universitaria EGU
About the main author
Samantha Yadira Niebla Moreno: Electronics Engineer; holds a Master’s degree and
a Doctorate in Education from the Autonomous University of Sinaloa, as well as a
Doctorate in Competency
-
Based Education. She is a faculty researcher at the
Autonomous University of Sinaloa and a member of both the Sinaloa System of
Researchers and Technolog
ists and the National System of Researchers (Level I).
Declaration of author responsibility
Samantha Yadira Niebla Moreno:
1:
Conceptualization, Data Curation, Formal
Analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Resources, Software, Supervision,
Validat
ion/Verification, Visualization, Writing/Original Draft, and Writing/
Review &
Editing.
Financing:
Own resources
Special Acknowledgments: